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Truths about vaccine timetable and other commentary

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Truths about vaccine timetable and other commentary

Pandemic journal: Truths About Vax Timetable

Maybe some national leader should stand up and admit “the best-case scenario” is that all “higher-risk Americans get at least one shot by the end of April or early May” and others probably not before Mother’s Day, suggests Jim Geraghty at National Review. “People would not like hearing that.” But it’s “an accurate layout of the cold, hard numbers,” maybe even optimistic: Seniors and people with comorbidities number almost 143 million, yet we’re only vaccinating 1.3 million people a day. At that pace, 113 million could get a single dose by April 29. And for many, the second shot wouldn’t come until weeks later. “Which is why the vaccination of the highest-risk Americans would really be complete closer to the end of May.”

Conservative: Impeachment’s Political Mischief

Democrats’ “rhetorical inflation of a dangerous riot by a mob to a full-blown ‘insurrection’ is more than political hyperbole,” warns Jonathan Tobin at The Federalist. Despite “little evidence,” Dems claim the few hundred Jan. 6 Capitol rioters were part of a “full-fledged domestic terrorism conspiracy” and link them to not just President Donald Trump but “even those who voted for him,” as they seek to paint “the Republican Party as disloyal, authoritarian and violent.” Impeachment isn’t just “revenge”; it’s “a vehicle for making the culture war about Trump a permanent feature of American politics.” Transforming “a protest” into a “rebellion” is an “act of political mischief aimed at discrediting legitimate opposition.” By making the “defense of democracy” the “defining issue,” Dems could “lock Republicans into a permanent minority position.”

From the right: Team Biden’s ‘Tragic’ Word Game

The word of the day, notes Ben Shapiro at RealClearPolitics, “is equity,” which is replacing the “traditionally American concept” of “equality,” meaning “the protection of the rights of all individuals.” Though the two words are separated by just one syllable, “equity” is different — it “means that each group should receive the same outcome as every other group.” To show racial inequity, “one need not show animus or discriminatory policy” but only an “unequal outcome.” Alas, this “idiotic and perverse” philosophy “has become the root of Biden administration policymaking. ‘Equity’ has been used as the keyword from environmental to economic to COVID-19 policy.” It may seem like just a word game, but it’s a “tragedy” to watch.

Elections wonk: Prez Blowouts Are Now Unlikely

The race between President Biden and former President Donald Trump, observes FiveThirtyEight’s Geoffrey Skelley, was “really close, underscoring how divided the country is electorally.” Indeed, this is “the most competitive era of presidential politics in the nation’s history,” as 2020 marked the ninth straight prez election with a popular-vote margin under 10 percentage points. The only similar period: 1876 to 1900, with “seven straight contests decided by single digits,” including two where the Electoral College winner didn’t win the popular vote. Why? Both eras feature unusually strong ideological divides between the two parties. And “many of the forces that have made our politics so combative and competitive today seem stronger than ever, which could foreshadow more bitterly close contests in the years ahead.”

Historian: Operation Warp Speed’s Success

Operation Warp Speed has succeeded because it followed “the model of the World War II mobilization,” argues Arthur Herman at The Wall Street Journal. Its feat of creating and distributing “about 50 million vaccine doses,” with “hundreds of millions more on the way,” makes it “the most remarkable achievement in modern medicine.” State officials must now “realize the federal government is operating in the wake of a health-care version of Pearl Harbor” and adjust accordingly. They can, for example, use their National Guard adjutants general as “vaccine czars,” with authority “to override state-agency procedures and coordinate with federal leadership.” Another key step: turn “major businesses with large distribution networks into links in a logistical chain” to “put as much vaccine as Operation Warp Speed can supply into as many arms as need it.”

— Compiled by The Post Editorial Board

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Opinion

Biden’s ‘infrastructure’ plan wages war on the suburban dream

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Biden’s ‘infrastructure’ plan wages war on the suburban dream

If you saved your money and bought a house in the suburbs, your investment and lifestyle may soon come under attack. The single biggest item in President Biden’s “infrastructure” bill, now being negotiated with Congress, is $213 billion he claims will be used to increase affordable housing. 

What he really wants is to put the federal government in charge of local zoning and to install apartment buildings throughout single-family-home neighborhoods.   

That $213 billion is nearly twice the spending on roads and bridges. It would change towns everywhere and, for many families, torpedo the American Dream of a house with a patch of lawn.

The Biden plan’s backers are hypocrites. Biden himself owns a four-acre lakefront home in upscale Greenville, Del., where there is absolutely no public housing, affordable housing or rentals that accept housing vouchers. And don’t expect any to be built next door to the Bidens.

Biden has always had a passion for stately homes and swanky addresses, even buying a 10,000-square-foot mansion that once belonged to the DuPont family, of 19th-century gunpowder wealth. Not exactly the sort of housing setup you’d associate with “Scranton Joe.”

Vice President Kamala Harris and her husband, meanwhile, own a $5 million gated home on a street of expensive single-family homes in Brentwood, Calif. That’s privilege.  

These politicians love single-family zoning and exclusivity for themselves, but not for the rest of us. When Biden was vice president, Team Obama launched its Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing program in 2015 to ensure that every neighborhood includes housing for low-income buyers and renters and public transportation. Now, as president, Biden would massively expand such efforts.

The United States has a housing shortage. But the answer isn’t to have Washington, DC, strong-arming local decision-makers. That’s what Biden’s plan does. The bill creates a gigantic pot of taxpayer funds to hand out to towns that surrender self-rule. 

That’s a mistake. Local control is vital. Towns can take into account the availability of public transportation, school capacity and proximity to employment. Uncle Sam has no clue.

Advocates for federal control argue that if anyone can afford a neighborhood, everyone should be able to afford it. That means locating apartment clusters even way out on country roads. Bus routes and bus shelters would have to be built. Roads would have to be widened to accommodate traffic, and sewers and water lines would be needed. Say goodbye to country living.

Advocates for abolishing zoning mock suburbanites for worrying about home values. But for most people, their home is their biggest investment, and they waited years to afford it.

Local control allows them to be part of the solution. Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms is pushing to end single-family zoning, while her opponents warn that increasing density would strain schools and transportation and require cutting down the “tree canopy” over the city’s older neighborhoods. Atlantans will decide.  

Other communities are building in-town housing for young working people and seniors, while allowing homeowners to build accessory apartments for extended family or renters. The point is this: Washington doesn’t need to put its big thumb on the scales.  

Biden’s proposals to make housing affordable are laughable. He calls for “putting union building-trade workers to work” to “save families money.” Right, as if mandating union-only labor has ever been a money saver.

Biden is also proposing a first-time home buyer’s tax credit of up to $15,000 that buyers can receive when they purchase, rather than when they file taxes. Paying people to buy homes will push up housing prices, the same way federal college aid and loans have pushed up tuitions. Federal interventions have a way of backfiring.

Biden’s plan won’t expand the American Dream — but kill it.

Betsy McCaughey is a former lieutenant governor of New York.

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Opinion

If AP really didn’t know it shared space with Hamas, why trust its reporting?

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If AP really didn’t know it shared space with Hamas, why trust its reporting?

After an Israeli airstrike Saturday destroyed a high-rise office tower on the Gaza Strip, the Associated Press, which had offices there for 15 years, complained, claiming it had no idea the building was also home to Hamas.

If it’s true that AP was so unaware — and the evidence suggests it’s unlikely — how can anyone trust its reporting in the region?

The Israeli military ordered the 12-story al-Jalaa Tower, which hosts AP and Al Jazeera offices, evacuated an hour before the strike, saying it was being used by Hamas military intelligence. For a week, tensions between Israel and Hamas, the terrorist group that controls Gaza, have been at their highest since their 2014 conflict, with Hamas raining thousands of rockets into residential areas of the Jewish state.

Israel later shared some intelligence with the United States. “We showed them the smoking gun proving Hamas worked out of that building,” a source close to Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi told the Jerusalem Post. “I understand they found the explanation satisfactory.”

Of course, we’ve known for years that, as the Israel Defense Forces put it, Hamas “intentionally locates its military assets in the hearts of civil populations,” even “hiding behind” media outlets and “using them as human shields.”

And AP knew that well, according to one account. “When Hamas’ leaders surveyed their assets before this summer’s round of fighting, they knew that among those assets was the international press. The AP staff in Gaza City would witness a rocket launch right beside their office, endangering reporters and other civilians nearby — and the AP wouldn’t report it,” says a 2014 Atlantic piece by Matti Friedman. Hamas militants would regularly “burst into the AP’s Gaza bureau and threaten the staff — and the AP wouldn’t report it.”

It seems that what AP doesn’t know — and doesn’t report — always favors Hamas over those the group terrorizes.

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No, US policing doesn’t trace its roots to heinous slave patrols

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No, US policing doesn’t trace its roots to heinous slave patrols

There’s a storyline in vogue among those who would defund the cops that claims that modern policing grew out of the vile squads that hunted runaway slaves. “From slave patrols to traffic stops. We can’t reform this,” Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.) recently admonished.

It’s a slur, and a dangerous one: Modern police didn’t get their start as slave patrols, and saying so is just one more way activists stir up anger against law enforcement. Such ahistorical statements silence vital dialogue about police reform and decrease trust.

Most of the 18,000 US police agencies were founded after abolition, and many were explicitly modeled on modern concepts of policing invented by the British. And the officers in many major cities — including LA, Houston and Atlanta — are mainly minorities. To call the increasingly diverse ranks of the police some kind of modern slave-driving force is offensive and obscene.

Such falsehoods distract from a much more important — and daunting — challenge. In many US cities in 2021, there is an inherent tension between police and black citizens. In 2020, in New York City, over 63 percent of homicide suspects were black, as were 65 percent of homicide victims. Over 49 percent of rape suspects were black, as were over 40 percent of rape victims.

Over 53 percent of felonious-assault suspects were black, as were over 46 percent of the victims. Almost 66 percent of robbery suspects and 61 percent of grand-larceny suspects were black. Over half the suspects for petit larceny, misdemeanor criminal mischief, possession of stolen property, juvenile felony and misdemeanor offenses were black. Most staggering: Over 72 percent of shooting suspects and nearly 74 percent of victims were black.

Gotham’s population is 21.7 percent black.

A quick look at the numbers above makes clear that NYPD will be interacting with black citizens under tense conditions a massively disproportionate amount of time. Not because of history, but because of crime rates.

We may not have an explanation for why crime commission is so unequal among New Yorkers of different races. But one thing is clear: To combat a very real and very understandable perception that police are targeting blacks, police need to interact with minority New Yorkers in non-tense situations. Community policing in the past few decades was such a positive revolution partly because it pushed officers to be fixtures in the community, to know a neighborhood and its residents, to be familiar and trusted.

Community policing isn’t glamorous or a “reimagined” police force, but it’s a powerful way to tamp down the impression that cops are the enforcers of an oppressive system, rather than partners in maintaining public safety.

When Mayor Bill de Blasio published his “NYC Police Reform and Reinvention Collaborative Draft Plan” in March, it began with this slavery narrative: “Racialized policing in New York City is a tragic part of that larger history of over 400 years of oppression, which runs from slave catching and kidnapping in the 19th century in a direct line through to more contemporary practices of unconstitutional stops and frisks of black and brown individuals.”

(There was no longer a single slave in New York City by the 1840 Census, and the NYPD wasn’t established until 1845, but why quibble?)

With truly gobstopping chutzpah the document continues: “We understand that we have not, nor can we, erase a 400-year legacy during one mayoralty, or as the result of one plan.” Putting aside the vainglory in thinking we looked to de Blasio to purge us of the stain of slavery, what does this mea culpa do to tackle the very current and difficult racial tensions around policing?

If the narrative we amplify is that the current NYPD, which is composed primarily of minorities, is just a few degrees of separation from slave hunters, will that increase trust? Politicians should be looking for ways to lower crime while improving the relationship between police and the community. Peddling historical lies isn’t the answer.

Hannah E. Meyers is director of the policing and public-safety initiative at the Manhattan Institute.

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