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New York assemblymember: Cuomo ‘berated me,’ asked me to lie about alleged cover-up



New York assemblymember: Cuomo 'berated me,' asked me to lie about alleged cover-up

Cuomo’s office released a statement from an adviser to the governor who was with Cuomo for the call, which said Kim was lying about the call.

“At no time did anyone threaten to ‘destroy’ anyone with their ‘wrath’ nor engage in a ‘coverup,’” the statement from the governor’s office said. “That’s beyond the pale and is unfortunately part of a years-long pattern of lies by Mr. Kim against this administration.”

Kim said he hired an attorney after the multiple calls from Cuomo and his staff. Communications from the governor’s office are now directed to that attorney, Kim said.

“It was loud enough for my wife to hear,” Kim said of the call last week. “I tried to shield her, but she was in shock. She didn’t get any sleep that night, and we were terrified. He left a shocking moment for all of us in our family.”

Kim was one of six lawmakers in a meeting in which top gubernatorial staffer Melissa DeRosa, according to Kim, admitted some information about Covid-19 in New York nursing homes had been covered up with the fear it would be weaponized against Cuomo.

Yesterday, Cuomo released a full transcript of the meeting — over 22,000 words — which did not support Kim’s claim that DeRosa admitted to a cover-up by the governor’s office.

In the statement released by the governor’s office, along with the transcript, a Cuomo adviser pointed to a “long, hostile relationship” between Kim and the governor to explain Kim’s statement, adding that decisions about nursing homes in New York were made based on federal policy.

“When we get closer to the truth behind the growing nursing home scandal in New York, Gov. Cuomo tries to implicate you in the cover-up or threatens your livelihood if you don’t lie for him,” Kim said. “The truth is this: Governor Cuomo allowed his top donors to write business-friendly policies, like legal immunity for nursing homes. And he ordered the state government to cover life-and-death information and took away our ability to legislate and change the outcomes of this pandemic.”

“Morning Joe” hosts said they offered Cuomo the opportunity to come on the show to address the claims of a cover-up, but he declined.

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Why Mike Lindell Can’t Stop




Why Mike Lindell Can’t Stop

More than half a year after Trump lost the presidential election, and with establishment-minded Republicans growing weary of re-litigating its outcome, Lindell has become the embodiment of a specific friction point in the Republican Party’s post-election identity: where the belief that the election was rigged, still widely held among the populist Republican voting base, is crashing into a political and legal system that long ago accepted the reality that it wasn’t.

Just last month, a judge in Antrim County, Michigan, dismissed one of the last remaining election fraud lawsuits brought after the November election, a case to which many supporters, including Lindell, had pinned their hopes. Kevin McCarthy, the House minority leader, declared recently: “I don’t think anybody is questioning the legitimacy of the presidential election. I think that is all over with.”

Lindell hasn’t let go. For that, he’s becoming less welcome in some GOP circles. Last month, he was kicked out of a meeting of the Republican Governors Association in Nashville, Tennessee, to which he said he’d originally been invited. His business has also suffered. More than 20 retailers have dropped his product, and Dominion Voting Systems, the voting machine maker, filed a $1.3 billion defamation lawsuit against MyPillow and Lindell earlier this year, accusing Lindell of spreading false accusations that the election was rigged.

Lindell calls the Dominion suit a “big joke.” But in a lawsuit filed recently against Dominion and another voting machine manufacturer, Smartmatic, Lindell estimates he could suffer damages exceeding $2 billion from what he claimed is the companies’ “reign of litigation terror and conspiracy to deprive Lindell and others of their constitutionally protected freedom of political expression.” In addition, he said his reputation has suffered and that he has been subjected to “threats to his personal safety and life.”

Not long ago, Lindell was considered a potential contender for public office in Minnesota, a business-entertainer-turned-politician not unlike Trump or Jesse Ventura, the former professional wrestler who served a term as Minnesota governor. Today, Lindell complains he can’t even get booked on TV. (His recent appearance on ABC’s “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” was “a miracle,” he said, even if Kimmel mostly mocked him.)

Lindell has said the election will be “pulled down” and that Trump will be back in office by August, something Trump himself has reportedly been telling people. At the MyPillow headquarters, Lindell hedged on the exact month, suggesting he “might be off by, maybe it’s September.” Regardless, he offered another firm deadline he’s certain of: “I will tell you this. The election is coming down, 100 percent, and there will be no machines in 2022.”

Even in Minnesota’s Republican-leaning Carver County, southwest of Minneapolis—and even among some supporters of Lindell’s who have known him for decades—there is a sense that that might not happen, and that if it doesn’t, the fallout might be too much for Lindell.

In her living room overlooking the Minnesota River not far from the MyPillow offices, Jeanette Lenzen, who with her husband, Dick, once rented Lindell an old bus shed where he made some of his first pillows, said, “Mike makes me nervous because he’s so hyper. … I like what he’s trying to do, but I think he might be going too far.”

Lindell, she said, is up against “the tweeters and the Facebook people,” who she said have “so much power.”

“He’s done so well, I worry that he’ll lose everything,” Lenzen said. “He just has all the faith in God that God’s going to help him get all this stuff. But sometimes, God says ‘No.’”

If you understand Mike Lindell’s biography, however, it’s not clear what, if anything, will make him stop.

Before Lindell was ever talking about God or Trump or election machines, before the idea for a pillow came to him in a dream, there was Schmitty’s Tavern, the bar he owned in Victoria, Minn., and whose atmosphere—if you plucked Lindell off a stage and dropped him back behind the bar—would approximate, in miniature, the election conspiracy circus he orchestrates today.

Before he purchased the bar with gambling winnings in 1990, a friend who had scouted it out for him told him the clientele was “falling-down drunk. They’re rowdy and throwing stuff. It’s a nut house!” Lindell recalled in his memoir. The friend “didn’t want to have anything to do with Schmitty’s.”

Lindell thought: “This sounds like my kind of place.”

Raised in a trailer park not far from the bar, near a pickle factory in Chaska, Lindell wrote that as a boy he never felt like he fit in with other kids, but “learned a technique that made up for it, a new habit that would become a pattern that lasted well into adulthood: showing off.” There were little things, like jumping into a snowbank from the window of a moving school bus. And there were things that nearly killed him, according to Lindell’s account.

“I fell into a lake and was trapped under a sheet of ice,” he wrote. “I was nearly electrocuted by a bolt of power so massive that it shut down half the town. I bought a motorcycle and wrecked it twice—the second time on the way to a skydiving lesson, during which I smashed into the ground at 60 miles per hour because my parachute didn’t fully open.”

“I began to feel invincible,” Lindell wrote.

By the 1980s, Lindell, after dropping out of college, had a part-time job as a bartender in Chaska and had learned to count cards, a skill he’d return to over the years at blackjack tables in Nevada when he needed money to cover debts. He was addicted to alcohol, cocaine and gambling, on the hook to his bookies for tens of thousands of dollars, with multiple DUIs and a theft conviction on his record.

In Schmitty’s Tavern, across from Steiger Lake, he created “a daily escape from reality,” he wrote. In his book, Lindell describes “people dancing on the bar, spraying each other with Super Soakers, hanging upside down from the rafters … someone setting off a brick of firecrackers.” Lindell was an accommodating host, allowing customers to write bad checks and waiting to cash them until payday, and he had a loyal following. He wrote, “I was selling alcohol, but I wasn’t selling alcohol, if you know what I mean. I was selling fun. Family. Belonging.”

Lindell added, “Maybe that was because, beginning in childhood, I never felt like I belonged.”

Today, Lindell is recognizable in living rooms across the country for the late-night infomercials that, beginning in 2011, sparked a massive expansion of MyPillow’s brand. The privately held company says it now employs more than 1,600 people and has sold more than 50 million pillows. Lindell is wealthy enough that he said he spent “millions of dollars” on network security for his Frank website and $2 million on private investigators to pursue his election fraud claims. He flies on a private jet.

Schmitty’s Tavern has since been re-named and remodeled by new owners, and it’s no longer as uninhibited as when it belonged to Lindell. But some of Lindell’s old friends and clients still drink there. When I walked in with a list of nicknames mentioned in the book—“Skelly, Petey, Pokey, Fly Man, Mohawk, Sibby,” among others—and asked if anyone knew them, Paul Johnson, who was drinking a Budweiser, said, “I’m Pokey.”

He recalled Lindell going “on benders for days, not just hours, days,” he said, a memory that squares with Lindell’s own memoir. At the time, Johnson said his expectation for Lindell was that “we’d end up finding him dead.”

“He’s a hyper guy,” Johnson said. “But he loves people.”

Johnson isn’t convinced, as Lindell is, that Trump will be reinstated. But he said, “I like what he’s doing. He ain’t going to back down, either.”

Sitting nearby, a man ordered two Jacks and Coke and said Johnson was probably right. But he felt like he’d seen this already—in Lindell’s two failed marriages, in a career that, before MyPillow took off, was always up and down.

“He always built things up and lost,” he said.

Nearly 20 years since Lindell sold the bar, it’s not hard to see the spirit of Schmitty’s still alive in Lindell’s new obsession. If Schmitty’s was, as Lindell wrote, “a place that made you forget your troubles for a while,” today he offers Trump loyalists a comforting fantasy that they don’t really live in an America where 7 million more people picked Joe Biden.

Lindell, in fairness, has a different takeaway from his time running Schmitty’s. The bar, he said, helped him learn marketing and how to “read people.” But when I suggested to him that in both instances he was creating a community around him, he did not disagree.

One difference today, Lindell said, is “the community’s a lot bigger. A lot bigger.”

It may also be more dangerous, at least to the nation, than drunk people shooting Super Soakers in a bar. In an interview at MyPillow with Eric Metaxas, the evangelical author and radio host, Lindell described himself as “a hub of a wheel” when it came to unsubstantiated claims about the election, when “people just started pouring it onto me because I was the last voice, so to speak. … There was nowhere else to go.”

The first piece of collateral damage might be Lindell himself. If Trump had won re-election in November—or had Lindell not plunged himself so completely into Trump’s fantasy that the election was rigged—Lindell would today have a credible future in Republican politics in Minnesota. The chairman of Trump’s 2020 campaign in the state, Lindell had been encouraged by Trump to run for Minnesota governor. The chair of the state Republican Party, Jennifer Carnahan, pre-endorsed Lindell, writing on Twitter last year that “we are going to make him our next Governor,” and Lindell himself said he was “99 percent” sure he’d run.

In the aftermath of Trump’s defeat, both Lindell’s interest in running and any chance of doing so effectively appear to have diminished. In January, shortly before Biden’s inauguration, Lindell was photographed walking into the White House with notes mentioning the possibility of declaring “martial law,” tying Lindell inextricably to the fringiest excesses of a president who lost Minnesota by about 7 percentage points. Responding to this newfound prominence, the in-state press in Minnesota began to examine him more critically. The Minnesota Reformer news site unearthed old allegations of abuse against Lindell by an ex-girlfriend and an ex-wife, claims Lindell has denied.

Like Trump, Lindell was banned from Twitter for spreading election disinformation. Then came the Dominion lawsuit and the flight of retailers like Kohl’s and Bed Bath & Beyond.

In an effort to show support, John Thomas, a Republican strategist from California who got to know Lindell at past Conservative Political Action Conferences, said he told Lindell recently that he’d purchased some of his sheets. (They were better after washing, Thomas said. Initially, “they chafed me a little bit.”) He was worried about Lindell’s business, he said, but Lindell didn’t share his concerns. He said Lindell told him, “They’ve already done their worst. What else can they do to me?”

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Pompeo launches political group ahead of summer campaign blitz




Pompeo launches political group ahead of summer campaign blitz

Pompeo, who spent three terms in the House before joining the Trump administration, deflected questions about his interest in a White House run, saying that his focus was on bolstering Republican candidates up and down the ballot in 2022. While Pompeo has made trips to Iowa and New Hampshire, he said he also planned to be active in other states without the same central role in presidential nominating contests.

“It is unambiguously clear to me that if we don’t get it right in the next 16 or 17 months, what will happen over these next four years will make it incredibly difficult for whoever is elected president in 2024. So that is my singular focus,” said Pompeo, who noted that he had told party leaders in both congressional chambers that he would help ahead of the midterms.

The 57-year-old, Harvard Law School-educated Pompeo has embraced the role of campaign surrogate since leaving the State Department earlier this year. Since the end of February, he has appeared at more than 25 events, including more than a half-dozen for House Republicans and several for the party’s House and Senate campaign organizations.

Before the end of June, he is to make an appearance at the Republican National Committee’s summer donor retreat in Dana Point, Calif. and will hold a fundraiser for California Rep. Mike Garcia, who narrowly won reelection last November. In July, he is to speak at the Ronald Reagan Library in Simi Valley, Calif. as part of a series on the future of the Republican Party. He is also expected to host an upcoming event for Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, who is up for reelection next year.

“We’re going to go out, and we’ve started this already, but we’re going to go out and expand to a greater degree, helping candidates all across the country,” Pompeo said.

Pompeo said he was willing to intervene in contested Republican primaries, indicating that he would be looking to back candidates who presented the party with the best chance of winning the general election against a Democrat. He has already thrown his support to several candidates facing nomination fights, including Trump White House press secretary and Arkansas gubernatorial hopeful Sarah Huckabee Sanders, and New York Rep. Lee Zeldin, a gubernatorial contender who is running against Andrew Giuliani, the son of former New York City mayor and Trump personal attorney Rudy Giuliani.

“You can absolutely imagine me getting involved in races where there are multiple Republican candidates,” Pompeo said. “My goal is pretty clear: I want to elect the most conservative electable candidate we can find in each of these races, whether its school board, city council, or a United States Senate seat.”

Pompeo follows two other high-profile Trump administration figures, former Vice President Mike Pence and ex-U.N. ambassador Nikki Haley, who have also recently set up committees that will allow them to support candidates. They provide a political foundation for the trio, who unlike many of the other potential 2024 contenders do not have the ready-made platform that comes with currently holding public office.

Like Pompeo, Pence and Haley are also expected to keep packed political calendars this summer. And with the House up for grabs next year, all three are engaging heavily in congressional contests.

It’s a well-worn strategy among future presidential hopefuls, who have used it to earn chits from lawmakers, cultivate donors and introduce themselves to activists across the country. Two years before his 1968 election as president, Richard Nixon campaigned heavily for Republican candidates in a midterm election that saw sweeping gains for the party. Two years prior to becoming the GOP nominee, now-Sen. Mitt Romney crisscrossed the country for Republicans during a 2010 midterm election where the party took control of the House.

The former secretary of state’s travel schedule shows how he has begun to court social conservatives, who traditionally play a key role in GOP nominating contests. Pompeo, an evangelical, has made a handful of appearances this year before Christian-oriented organizations, including a pair at Kansans for Life and one at Liberty University in Lynchburg, Va. The Family Leadership Summit, where Pompeo will appear later this summer, is overseen by Bob Vander Plaats, an influential Iowa-based social conservative.

CAVPAC, named after the U.S. Army Cavalry, in which Pompeo served, originally filed papers with the Federal Election Commission in February. But the committee’s public launch will provide it with more visibility, which is needed to help it raise funds. The year-and-a-half endeavor, Pompeo said, would require “a fair amount of money.”

Pompeo, who was Trump’s first CIA director before becoming secretary of state, was one of the few senior administration officials who maintained a consistently stable relationship with the former president over his four years in office. Pompeo, who as secretary of state succeeded Rex Tillerson, a frequent target of Trump’s ire, said he still spoke with Trump “from time to time” but declined to disclose what they discussed.

Pompeo dodged a question about whether he would run for president if Trump mounted a 2024 comeback bid, saying he hadn’t “given it enough thought” because he was focused on the 2022 elections, not the next race for the White House.

But he added that he was intent on “deliver[ing] good outcomes for the American people” and said that “wherever I can be the most effective in delivering those outcomes, whether it’s as a candidate, or in this case supporting candidates, that’s what my wife and I aim to do.”

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Decoding the NATO summit – POLITICO




Decoding the NATO summit - POLITICO

As NATO finalized its cyber defense plans, Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg said the alliance will ready itself to respond jointly to any attacks against members in space.

Let’s decode today’s communique and NATO’s new draft 10-year strategy

Rym Momtaz, senior correspondent, France:

There’s a lot more on China in today’s communique compared to 2019 — it’s definitely a shift. There’s also a lot of concern about Turkey and their purchase of Russian military equipment.

Macron was forced to follow Biden’s lead on the NATO pivot to China, even while publicly saying, “NATO is a North Atlantic organization, China has nothing to do with the North Atlantic.” So, there’s a lot of personal love between Macron and Biden, but some battles, too.

Alex Wickham, London Playbook author:

There’s split between the European positions and U.S. line on China. Boris Johnson said he doesn’t want to start a new Cold War on China, even as he is under huge pressure to take a tougher line from the hawkish wing of his own Conservative party. It’ll be fascinating to see if Biden succeeds in getting the U.K. to take a tougher line.

Hans von der Burchard, politics reporters, Brussels:

Angela Merkel added her weight to the dove side of the argument. “I think it is very important, similar to what we are doing with Russia, to always offer a political discussion, a political discourse, in order to find solutions,” when it comes to China, she said.

Has this summit given Biden a boost going into his Putin head-to-head?

Ryan Heath, Global Translations author:

Yes. The communique leads with NATO’s commitment to unity. NATO allies also rubber-stamped the G-7 communique from the weekend, meaning there’s literal alignment between the two groupings as they get more organized in pushing back on autocrats. That’s all Biden could wish for.

Nahal Toosi, foreign affairs correspondenT:

Sure. Anytime you can get your allies on board with most of your priorities, even if it’s rhetoric for now, you’ve strengthened your relations with an adversary. But I have to wonder a couple things: First, what if Trump (or someone like Trump) runs and wins in 2024? What do these NATO allies falling over to praise Biden do then? Second, Putin intends to stay in office past Biden and these other NATO leaders. How does that affect his calculus?

Momtaz: Absolutely, yes, Biden did get that boost. It’s really very interesting the new ways G-7 and NATO are overlapping. Today the NATO allies even agreed to keep their military carbon emissions under control, which is a direct overlap between the G-7 prioritizing climate and today’s defense focus.

Lili Bayer, political correspondent, Brussels:

Biden has rock solid support from the Baltics, which is no surprise. After leaders from Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania met with Biden, Lithuanian President Gitanas Nausėda tweeted: “During turbulent times, democracies must stick together,” adding that NATO members “agreed to strengthen” NATO’s presence on the alliance’s eastern flank, as well as its support for Ukraine and Georgia. “U.S. presence in the Baltics is crucial for the security of the whole alliance,” he said.

What happened regarding national defense and NATO funding?

Primer on how NATO financing works

David Herszenhorn, chief Brussels correspondent:

Today’s summit is a giant payday for Stoltenberg and the entire team that works here at NATO headquarters. Leaders are committing to increasing all three strands of the alliance’s common funding, i.e. the portion of the budget that goes to central operations, which is roughly $2.5 billion a year today. That’s only 0.3 percent of total allied defense spending, and it was not a given that the budget would be increased. Support from Biden made a critical difference.

Momtaz: France is back in the NATO central command system, but was really unhappy about the NATO common spending proposal by Stoltenberg. France had to concede the point, so Stoltenberg got what he wanted. French Defense Minister Florence Parly told me France’s worry isn’t the idea per se, it’s that NATO isn’t able to tell Paris what they will spend the money on.

Annabelle Dickson, political correspondent, London:

Tobias Ellwood, chair of the U.K. Parliament’s Defense Committee, is proposing the U.K. bump its defense spending up from 2.29 percent to 3 percent of GDP — well beyond the famous 2 percent target most NATO members still fail to reach.

Lara Seligman, defense correspondent, Washington:

NATO leaders committed to continue to provide training and financial support to the Afghan security forces. The announcement ends speculation over what will happen to the NATO training mission in Afghanistan once U.S. and NATO forces leave the country by September. Pentagon officials have said the United States will end its own training program after the withdrawal, although Washington will continue funding the Afghan forces.

Anything noteworthy in the side meetings and events?

Heath: Turkey’s President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was at pains to downplay tensions between Ankara and its NATO allies today. He called his talk with Biden “fruitful and sincere,” despite significant differences of opinion, and invited Biden to Turkey. Important to note here that Turkey hasn’t changed its position on buying Russian S-400 surface-to-air missile systems, which had been a major concern for NATO allies. After speaking with Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Erdoğan said he is looking to calm relations between the two countries and “will support a positive agenda” following a period of surging tension. Angela Merkel favors rewarding more cooperative behavior from Ankara in the eastern Mediterranean with benefits such as a modernization of the EU-Turkey customs union.

Dickson: Boris Johnson once again couldn’t escape Brexit. The protocol for handling the Northern Ireland border was on the agenda for Johnson’s meeting with Spanish PM Pedro Sánchez.

Momtaz: Speaking of Brexit, Emmanuel Macron clarified his Brexit comments from the G-7 summit, assuring that he would never question U.K. sovereignty over its territory.

Thanks for joining us for the NATO summit — tomorrow we move onto the EU-U.S. summit.

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