Connect with us

Politics

Florida’s transgender sports ban headed for defeat in GOP-controlled state Senate

Published

on

Florida’s transgender sports ban headed for defeat in GOP-controlled state Senate

The issue was magnified last week when the NCAA put states like Florida on notice just before the Florida House voted for the measure, warning that locations that don’t treat all student athletes with “dignity and respect” could be ineligible to host future championship games.

A top Senate panel on Tuesday put off considering the ban, a move that signals the upper chamber is reluctant to move forward with the bill. The proposal’s sponsor, powerful Senate budget chief Kelli Stargel, said her attention will be on finishing the state budget with less than two weeks left in session.

“Right now, my primary focus as Appropriations Chair is our constitutional responsibility to pass a balanced budget,” Stargel, a Lakeland Republican, said in statement to POLITICO. “And in a time-limited environment, I don’t know that we will have sufficient time to revisit SB 2012 this session.”

The Florida House approved its transgender sports bill, dubbed the Fairness in Women’s Sports Act, on April 14 by a 77-40 mostly party-line vote, with all but one Democrat opposing.

Florida’s GOP lawmakers contend the bill is needed to protect the sanctity of women’s sports, following the path of more than 20 other GOP-leaning states that are using the issue to limit transgender rights. The measure has been a priority for the GOP-led House, which this legislative session has pushed several bills that thrust lawmakers into the nation’s culture wars, including measures aimed at cracking down on social media companies and anti-riot legislation.

Opponents of the transgender ban argue it would only “legalize bullying” for transgender students.

State Sen. Shevrin Jones (D-Miami Gardens) said he hoped the Senate bill, FL SB2012 (21R), would die in its committee Tuesday — the last scheduled meeting of 2021.

“The Florida Legislature has done enough bad policies for one session, and the last thing we need is more divisive rhetoric that will do nothing but keep all of us in our little corners, while the people of Florida look at the Legislature in disgust,” Jones, an openly gay lawmaker and outspoken LGBTQ advocate, said in a statement to POLITICO.

House leaders rebuked the NCAA’s criticism of transgender sports bans, with House Speaker Chris Sprowls (R-Palm Harbor) telling reporters last week that “we couldn’t care less” after the House approved the ban.

“I think that this is now a movement that you’re seeing in corporate America that, whether it’s the NCAA today or it might be someone tomorrow, that we’re going to use our corporate largess to bully the state,” he said.

The Senate’s transgender proposal broke from the House version by allowing athletes who declare as female to participate in sports if their testosterone levels are below a certain mark, although Stargel filed an amendment that would have brought the bills closer in line. The House’s version allowed for medical professional to verify a student’s sex if gender disputes arise.

“I believe Florida should protect the ability of girls and women to safely participate in athletics, and I think there is consensus among my colleagues surrounding that underlying policy objective,” Stargel said Tuesday. “We want to get there in a manner that respects the inherent dignity of each person, while at the same time acknowledging the fact that the biological differences between men and women can be significant, and can vary based on how far along a person is within their transition.”

Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Politics

Opinion | The Real Reason Republicans Want to Oust Liz Cheney

Published

on

By

Opinion | The Real Reason Republicans Want to Oust Liz Cheney

But Republican lawmakers and GOP operatives alike are frustrated that, after standing by her, Cheney has repaid the favor by continuing to draw attention to an issue that divides Republicans, rather than training her fire on the Biden administration. And while, yes, it is possible to do both, take a look at the headlines and see which message is getting more traction.

Cheney’s allies say that allowing Trump to promulgate lies about the election, as he has done since November, risks another insurrection. She has every right to make that her focus. But it’s one thing to do that as a rank-and-file member; her job as conference chairwoman is to help the party regain a House majority next year by rallying Republicans around a message that unites them and damages Democrats’ prospects.

The divide is deeper than pro- or anti-Trump. Rather, it’s a disagreement about how influential an out-of-office Trump continues to be on the party and whether, politically speaking, GOP energy is best spent fighting him or President Joe Biden. Cheney and her allies say Trump is an electoral loser for the GOP and won’t fade on his own; others argue his influence is diminishing and it’s disastrous to keep fighting the last war.

That sentiment is behind the exasperation with Cheney that extends even to some of the Republicans who joined her in voting for Trump’s second impeachment, according to two GOP lawmakers. They say Cheney is hurting the electoral prospects of the anti-Trumpers in the conference, who are being asked about her, rather than Biden, when they return home to their districts.

“People who voted to impeach stand by their decision, but they don’t want to be litigating that,” a top Republican operative told me. “We should be litigating why the Democrats suck and how Republicans are going to win the majority.”

Yet, in the immediate aftermath of the January 6 attack, Cheney told donors she wanted to make her forthcoming primary battle a referendum on the attacks, according to people on the call. It is not a message that resonates particularly well with a group that struggled with how to approach the Trump era altogether, and is eager to put the divisions of the past four years behind them.

Cheney might have understood her colleagues’ thinking better if she spent some more time hearing them out. POLITICO’s John Harris made the point in a column in March that asked, pointedly, why some politicians are such a–holes. He contrasted the friendless and scandal-plagued New York governor, Andrew Cuomo, with the late presidential adviser Vernon Jordan, a man of a thousand close friends. At the time, I wrote Harris telling him that Cheney was another example of the former, and the retired Gen. David Petraeus, who survived a public scandal mostly intact, of the latter.

Cuomo and Cheney don’t have much else in common, but both are second-generation politicos whose rise in public life was propelled in large part by their father’s networks. As a result, they seem to have learned less about what it takes to develop and maintain professional friendships and alliances.

Since Cheney’s arrival in Congress in 2017, I’ve heard complaints from operatives, donors and fellow reporters about Cheney’s political operation, which has been described as difficult, brittle, unresponsive and tone deaf. To wit, she is not working her colleagues to hold onto her leadership role. As repellent as it might seem, the cultivation of allies and the trading of favors is essential to political survival, a lesson Cheney seems to be learning the hard way.

As a counterexample to Cheney’s persistent focus on Trump, take Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, whose distaste for the former president is hardly a state secret and who has demonstrated that it’s possible to stand on principle without belaboring it. It wasn’t so long ago that McConnell, a ruthless political operative, called his vote to affirm the results of the November election the most important he had cast in his political career. The former president has responded by calling McConnell a “dumb son of a bitch.”

But asked about a recent Trump broadside, McConnell told Fox News last week: “We’re looking to the future, not the past. And if you want to see the future of the Republican Party, watch [Sen.] Tim Scott’s response to President Biden last night. … We’re not preoccupied with the past but looking forward.”

Or, as a second GOP operative put it: “She is choosing not to pivot. Mitch McConnell is no fan of Donald Trump, but he doesn’t say a goddamned word.”

Team Cheney argues that Trump remains a threat even if he is tapping out inanities from a beach chair at Mar-a-Lago, rather than from the Oval Office, and that Cheney’s silence would be a concession to Trump’s version of events.

But Cheney’s ideological allies are now left wondering: What is her end game?

The irony of the situation is that Cheney has rightfully derided some of her colleagues for using their positions to peacock for the most pathetic pro-Trump grifters and media outlets. Cheney’s audience is different, and her cause more righteous, but that’s where she is headed.

Continue Reading

Politics

Trump backs Stefanik to replace Cheney

Published

on

By

Trump backs Stefanik to replace Cheney

Trump’s endorsement of Stefanik (R-N.Y.) comes after House Minority Whip Steve Scalise (R-La.) said on Wednesday morning that she should serve as the House GOP conference chair instead of Cheney (R-Wyo.).

“Thank you President Trump for your 100% support for House GOP Conference Chair. We are unified and focused on FIRING PELOSI & WINNING in 2022!” Stefanik wrote on Twitter.

Trump had already attacked Cheney in an earlier statement on Wednesday for continuing “to unknowingly and foolishly say that there was no Election Fraud in the 2020 Presidential Election.”

A spokesperson for Cheney’s office did not immediately return a request for comment on either of the former president’s statements.

Cheney, who voted to impeach Trump for inciting the Jan. 6 Capitol insurrection, has feuded in recent weeks with fellow House Republican leaders over Trump’s role in the future of the GOP, as well as his for perpetuating the false claim that the 2020 election was stolen.

The Republican infighting escalated significantly this week, after House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) said on Tuesday that his members had voiced concerns about Cheney’s “ability to carry out” her job duties.

Trump’s initial statement on Wednesday, however, undercut those remarks by McCarthy, making clear that his qualms with Cheney were rooted in her refusal to echo his false election claims — not concerns with her messaging or on-the-job performance.

Cheney, for her part, is not actively rallying support from colleagues to maintain her position.

Continue Reading

Politics

Trump attorney, other allies launch voter fraud organization

Published

on

By

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton

“The Election Integrity Alliance’s National Board is comprised of individuals who have fought for election integrity at great personal risk and who are champions for free and fair elections,” the organization said in a statement.

People familiar with the project say it is intended to be a centralized hub for providing information on issues related to ballot fraud and election security. It is also aimed at coordinating with other organizations that are focused on election integrity.

American Greatness Fund, which was founded by former Trump campaign manager Brad Parscale, is part of an ever-expanding web of Trump-aligned advocacy groups that have popped up since the 2020 election. Former Trump senior advisers Brooke Rollins and Larry Kudlow have started the America First Policy Institute; Ben Carson, who served as secretary of Housing and Urban Development in the Trump administration, has launched the American Cornerstone Institute; Russ Vought, who oversaw Trump’s Office of Management and Budget, has unveiled the Center for American Restoration.

Another recent entrant is former Trump speechwriter Stephen Miller, who has formed America First Legal, an outfit aimed at combating the Biden White House.

Conservatives say they view the groups as key in a broader effort to match a formidable liberal “dark money” machine. The Conservative Policy Institute, an organization overseen by Trump White House chief of staff Mark Meadows and ex-South Carolina Sen. Jim DeMint which provides support to non-profit groups, convened a group of major donors at Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate last month to discuss a path forward.

Continue Reading

Trending